CROSSRAIL UPDATE

Image of new rolling stock:  Crossrail website

Image of new rolling stock: Crossrail website

When I wrote about Crossrail earlier this week I did not know that the £14.5 billion project was officially at the half-way stage. I had quoted the November statistic that  Crossrail’s seven giant tunnelling machines were approaching 25 kilometres out of 42 kilometres of new train tunnels that will link East and West London. Another 14 kilometres of new passenger, platform and service tunnels are being constructed below the new Crossrail stations.

Today the British Prime Minister David Cameron accompanied by the Mayor of London Boris Johnson visited the site of Europe’s largest infrastructure project. Mr Cameron said:-

Big infrastructure projects like Crossrail are vital for the economy of London and the rest of Britain. They are the foundation-stone on which business can grow, compete and create jobs – a massive 55,000 jobs in the construction phase of this project alone“.

The rolling stock and depot contract is expected to be awarded in Spring 2014. Delivery and testing of trains is scheduled to start in 2017 ready for the opening of the new Crossrail tunnels to passengers in late 2018. It will transform train travel across London and South-East England, delivering faster journey times, boosting London’s rail capacity by 10% and bringing an additional 1.5 million people to within 45 minutes travel of the capital’s major business centres. Over 200 million passengers will travel on Crossrail each year.

The Prime Minister and Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Hammond went 25 metres below ground to view progress at Crossrail’s Tottenham Court Road site. They were joined by apprentices and commuters who will benefit from the new east / west railway, along with Crossrail Chairman Terry Morgan CBE, Crossrail Chief Executive Andrew Wolstenholme OBE and Transport Commissioner Sir Peter Hendy CBE.

Mr Cameron said Crossrail is one of the government’s priority projects as set out in the National Infrastructure Plan.

David Cameron visits Crossrail  Photo: gov.uk website

David Cameron visits Crossrail Photo: gov.uk website

Crossrail: key facts

Crossrail will add 10% capacity to London’s rail network and its services are due to start in 2018. It will serve 38 stations, connecting Maidenhead and Heathrow in the west with Shenfield and Abbey Wood in the east via central London. The economic benefits from Crossrail are spread across the country. It is estimated that Crossrail will generate at least 75,000 business opportunities and support the equivalent of 55,000 full time jobs around the UK. 3 out of 5 businesses currently winning work on the project are based outside London and over half (58%) are small and medium sized enterprises. In addition to Crossrail, 61,000 jobs are created around the country annually through TfL’s investment programme. When Crossrail opens it will increase London’s rail-based transport network capacity by 10%, supporting regeneration and cutting journey times across the city.

Read more on developing Crossrail.

Cross-section of Crossrail tunnels  Image: gov.uk website

Cross-section of Crossrail tunnels Image: gov.uk website

The British government is intent on delivering a national infrastructure plan to make the UK globally competitive. Up and down the country big projects are boosting the prospects for the future and providing high quality jobs.

David Cameron & Boris Johnson visit Crossrail  Photo: gov.uk website

David Cameron & Boris Johnson visit Crossrail Photo: gov.uk website

At the Spending round the British government announced it would spend £300 billion on capital projects over the next 6 years, including £100 billion of specific projects. These include:

  • providing funding for the biggest programme of investment in roads since the 1970s
  • setting out £3.3 billion of new funding for affordable housing from 2015 to 2016
  • providing funding for 500,000 new school places
  • investing up to £250 million to extend superfast broadband so that 95% of UK premises will have access to superfast broadband by 2017
  • specific long-term funding settlement for flood defences out to 2020
  • new package on shale, including community benefits package, changes to planning and Environment Agency permit processes
  • committing to HS2
Artists impression of crossrail station

Artist’s impression of crossrail station Photo: gov.uk website

THE MISS-FITTS

Geraldine Fitt looks out the window in the family home on the Antrim Road Photo in: The Irish Universe July 1973

Geraldine Fitt looks out the window in the family home on the Antrim Road Photo in: The Irish Universe July 1973

The late MP for West Belfast and SDLP founder member Gerry Fitt jokingly referred to his five daughters as the ‘Miss Fitts’. Lord Fitt died in August 2005 aged 79. The picture is of one of his daughters, Geraldine, at the family home at 85 Antrim Road in North Belfast looking out through a window covered with a security grill. The picture appears on page 11 of The Irish Universe of Friday July 3rd 1973, the same one featured in yesterday’s blog on ‘Ulster’s Greatest Chance’.

'Justin' Column in The Irish Universe July 1973  Photo: Michael Fisher

‘Justin’ Column in The Irish Universe July 1973 Photo: Michael Fisher

“MOST moving press picture of the week: pretty young girl, chin on folded hands, behind a mesh of iron and steel: She’s Geraldine Fitt, daughter of Mr. Gerry Fitt, the S.D.L.P. leader, gazing through the protective screen at their house on the Antrim Road, Belfast West (sic.). Before the days of violence, Mr. Fitt’s daughters sometimes accompanied him to meetings, and people said, ‘Here comes the new group: Gerry and the Miss-Fitts'”.  Justin, The Irish Universe, Friday July 6th 1973.

There is no photographer’s name on the picture but it could have been one issued through a news agency as it turned up in other newspapers including some in the United States. A similar photo appears in the Lakeland Ledger (Florida) on July 2nd 1973 under the heading ‘BARRICADED WORLD’:

‘From her window in Antrim Road, 11-year-old Geraldine Fitt views the outside world — through a steel-mesh barricade. After the assassination of Paddy Wilson, her father’s agent and an Ulster (sic.) senator, William Whitelaw ordered a full security net for Fitt’s house in Belfast, Northern Ireland, gives protection against anything except bullets’.

Gerry Fitt and his family were forced to leave their fortress home on the Antrim Road and move to London in July 1983 after it was attacked by republicans. He had lost his seat to Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin at the Westminster election the previous month and was created a peer in the House of Lords. A biography written by journalist and commentator Chris Ryder was published by Brehon Press in 2006: ‘Fighting Fitt’.

'Fighting Fitt' by Chris Ryder: Brehon Press (2006)

‘Fighting Fitt’ by Chris Ryder: Brehon Press (2006)

ULSTER’S GREATEST CHANCE

The Irish Universe July 1973  Photo:  © Michael Fisher

The Irish Universe July 1973 Photo: © Michael Fisher

Dear Dr Haass, the front page headline in bold type in the newspaper proclaims ‘It’s Ulster’s Greatest Chance’. Is it referring to your reconvened talks, hopefully edging towards an agreement on outstanding issues in the peace process? No, it’s a reminder of the political situation in Northern Ireland forty years ago. The date on the paper is Friday July 6 1973. The story written by Donal Magee in Belfast appeared in the Catholic newspaper, The (Irish) Universe, a tabloid rival to the Catholic Herald (edited by my father from 1962-66). Both papers had their main office in those days in Fleet Street and I remember when this was the hub of all journalism in England.

The story was about the election results for ‘The new Assembly’: yes, there was a power-sharing administration between unionists and nationalists for a short while. But the Council of Ireland provisions in the Sunningdale agreement reached between the British and Irish governments in December 1973 were opposed by the majority of unionists and loyalists and led to the downfall of Brian Faulkner’s administration in May 1974. So here is a reminder to a younger generation of what Northern Ireland politics was like in those days, when the S.D.L.P. emerged ‘convinced that at the next election they could emerge as the largest party’……..

The Irish Universe July 1973  Photo:  © Michael Fisher

The Irish Universe July 1973 Photo: © Michael Fisher

“The new Assembly . . . IT’S ULSTER’S GREATEST CHANCE    Donal Magee:  Belfast

THE Assembly election results which disappointed the official Unionists, hardline Unionists, Republicans and Liberals, but not the Social Democratic and Labour Party, which represents the majority of Catholic opinion, has given the most optimistic prospect for the building of a new Northern Ireland. 

This assessment may come as a surprise to many in Britain, where the Press has been universally pessimistic about the results.

Healthy sign

But it is the view of the keenest observers of the Northern Ireland scene. Add to this the healthy political climate now being created between Dublin and London as a result of the Cosgrave-Heath talks this week, and it can be understood that this optimism is not without foundation. The full effects of this new understanding will, it is said here (Belfast), be seen by the end of the year when the new Assembly takes shape and is put to the test.

Their fear

The political climate has so improved that a visit of a high-ranking member of the British government to Dublin – even Mr Heath himself – for further talks with the Irish government is on the cards. But by that time the political shape and constitution of the new Northern Ireland Assembly will be known and the way prepared for tripartite talks. I understand that the Faulkner – Craig – Paisley parties fear a quickening of the comings and goings between London and Dublin as a result of the favourable interpretation now taken of the Assembly poll. The result reveals that the most united party to emerge from the election is the S.D.L.P. One of the party’s executive told me that they intend to set the pace and that they are now convinced that at the next election they could emerge as the largest party. He said: “Our assessment may seem exaggerated post-election optimism. It is not”.  Strengthened by the over –     * To Back Page  

Back Page The Irish Universe July 1973  Photo:  © Michael Fisher

Back Page The Irish Universe July 1973 Photo: © Michael Fisher

CHANCE FOR ULSTER   * From Page 1

(over-)whelming rejection of violence by the electorate, the 19 S.D.L.P. members are meeting early next week to review their position. In the meantime no statements of their intentions are forthcoming and talk of an alliance with the official Unionists, which really would make history, is premature though not discounted. In this connection, any alliance would depend on who leads the official Unionists. It is absolutely certain that the S.D.L.P. would not form a coalition with Unionists led by Mr. Faulkner, who is heartily distrusted by Catholics. They may, however, be prepared to come to terms with a party lead by a more “acceptable” politician and the name of Mr. Roy Bradford has been mooted. Mr. Bradford had one of the largest majorities of any candidate in the election.

Achievement

His was a remarkable achievement when one considers that he stood in the supposedly militant dockland constituency in which one of his opponents was the U.D.A. leader Tommy Herron. Bradford has also shown conciliatory tendencies towards Catholics. He has taken a more liberal view than most mainstream Unionists both towards the minority in Ulster and towards the proposed Council of Ireland.   And his political thinking is geared toward the European dimension. An alliance between the official Unionists and the Craig-Paisley coalition is certainly out of the question. No church leader has made any official pronouncement on the result of the election. Cardinal Conway and the other Catholic bishops are in Germany at a conference of the European bishops but I understand that the Cardinal has privately expressed satisfaction”.

Leading Article The Irish Universe July 1973  Photo:  © Michael Fisher

Leading Article The Irish Universe July 1973 Photo: © Michael Fisher

There was a leading article headlined ‘A Vote for Moderation’ inside on page 10:

“A VOTE FOR MODERATION

The experience of the last three years has shown that political investment in Northern Ireland, in terms of time, labour, patience and perseverance, produces very little dividend. So it was no disappointment to find that the election for the assembly has not noticeably transformed a situation that has shown itself almost invincible against efforts to rationalise it. But if we are resigned to measuring progress towards peace in that embattled province on a micrometer gauge, we have some reason for hope as we contemplate the indecisive and as yet ambiguous results of the poll. We can be thankful, for a start, at the unexpectedly high success of the Social and Democratic Labour Party (sic.), to which Catholics have rallied. Then again, the IRA’s failure to get more than a handful of the electorate to boycott the election or invalidate their papers is a healthy rejection symptom, the more so as the more notorious of the Protestant militants were also sent on their way”.

Leading Article The Irish Universe July 1973  Photo:  © Michael Fisher

Leading Article The Irish Universe July 1973 Photo: © Michael Fisher

“New attitudes

Much will depend in the coming weeks on the attitudes of Mr. Gerry Fitt, the S.D.L.P. leader, and Mr. Brian Faulkner, both of whom are guardedly prepared to give the White Paper a trial. A short time ago neither would think of doing a deal with the other. But both are being forced by the march of events into new attitudes. Mr. Fitt finds his party for the first time in a position to exercise considerable power and this is not likely to be effectively exploited by a negative policy of intransigence. Mr, Faulkner, who is noted for political finesse and pragmatism, is fighting for survival. As a return to Protestant ascendancy through alliance with the anti- White Paper unionists is out, he has come round to viewing the possibility of power-sharing with the S.D.L.P. There is a danger here, however, that he may not carry all his supporters with him. It has even been suggested that he might lose as many as one-third. If this prospect is real his dilemma could usher in a new era of stalemate. Despite all this, the really significant fact is that the overall vote came down heavily on the side of moderation. This is more important than the rejection of the White Paper by a majority of unionists”.

Even after forty years with an entirely different political party balance and a new power-sharing government, it seems Dr Haass still has many difficulties to face as he attempts to find a way through the competing demands of unionists and loyalists, nationalists and republicans.

FLANDERS FIELDS

Enda Kenny & David Cameron at grave of Willie Redmond MP  Photo: Paschal Donohoe via twitter

Enda Kenny & David Cameron at grave of Willie Redmond MP Photo: Paschal Donohoe via twitter

The improved relationship between the British and Irish governments was again shown today by the joint visit to some of the World War I battlefield sites in Flanders by the Taoiseach Enda Kenny and British Prime Minister David Cameron. They paid their respects at the grave of nationalist MP from the Irish Parliamentary Party, Major Willie Redmond.  He was commissioned as a captain in the Royal Irish Regiment and fought on the Western Front with the 16th (Irish) Division, in the winter of 1915 to 1916, and died during the Messines Ridge attack in June 1917.  Lise Hand reported on the visit for the Irish Independent.

Enda Kenny & David Cameron at grave of Willie Redmond MP  Photo: Irish Embassy Belgium via twitter

Enda Kenny & David Cameron sign book at grave of Willie Redmond MP Photo: via twitter

They also visited the Irish peace park at Messines, the first time the heads of the two governments have done so. Each laid a wreath close to the round tower that dominates the site. Mr Kenny and Mr Cameron also saw Wijtschate military cemetery, south of Ieper, where there is a memorial to the 16th (Irish) Division.

Wreaths laid at Irish Peace Park, Messines  Photo: Defence Forces via twitter

Wreaths laid at Irish Peace Park, Messines Photo: Defence Forces via twitter

A bronze plaque near to the entrance of the Island of Ireland Peace Park is inscribed with a Peace Pledge:

From the crest of this ridge, which was the scene of terrific carnage in the First World War on which we have built a peace park and Round Tower to commemorate the thousands of young men from all parts of Ireland who fought a common enemy, defended democracy and the rights of all nations, whose graves are in shockingly uncountable numbers and those who have no graves, we condemn war and the futility of war. We repudiate and denounce violence, aggression, intimidation, threats and unfriendly behaviour.

As Protestants and Catholics, we apologise for the terrible deeds we have done to each other and ask forgiveness. From this sacred shrine of remembrance, where soldiers of all nationalities, creeds and political allegiances were united in death, we appeal to all people in Ireland to help build a peaceful and tolerant society. Let us remember the solidarity and trust that developed between Protestant and Catholic Soldiers when they served together in these trenches.

As we jointly thank the armistice of 11 November 1918 – when the guns fell silent along this western front – we affirm that a fitting tribute to the principles for which men and women from the Island of Ireland died in both World Wars would be permanent peace.”  (from www.greatwar.co.uk website)

WHEN JFK WAS SHOT

President Kennedy arrives for Vienna Summit June 3rd 1961 © White House Photographs: JFK Library & Museum

President Kennedy arrives for Vienna Summit June 3rd 1961 © White House Photographs: JFK Library & Museum

Much has been written about the 50th anniversary of the assassination of President John F Kennedy of the United States in Dallas, Texas, fifty years ago on November 22nd 1963. My father contributed this letter to the Irish Times in response to an interesting article by Dennis Staunton in a special supplement marking the anniversary.

‘Sir, – Denis Staunton’s interesting article (JFK, 50 Years after Dallas supplement, November 22nd) on JFK’s presidency rightly credits his “patience, caution and willingness to compromise with his Soviet counterpart Nikita Khrushchev” as helping to avert a nuclear war over the Cuban crisis in 1962.

It would, however, be wrong to give Kennedy all the credit for saving the world from nuclear war 50 years ago. His diplomatic skills were hard-learned. Only six months in office and still a novice in international politics, the US president faced the Soviet leader, Nikita Khrushchev, in a summit meeting in Vienna.

President Kennedy meets Nikita Khruschev in Vienna 1961 Photo: © US Dept of State, JFK Library & Museum

President Kennedy meets Nikita Khruschev in Vienna 1961 Photo: © US Dept of State, JFK Library & Museum

The summit’s main issues were the Soviet threats to close off Berlin to the Western powers and to locate nuclear weapons in Cuba, only 90 miles from Florida. Deadlock on both matters culminated in the world’s two most powerful leaders threatening nuclear war, Kennedy warning of “a long, hard winter” and Khrushchev adamant that “If the US wants war, that’s its problem”.

Pierre Salinger Photo: US Congress / Wikimedia Commons

Pierre Salinger Photo: US Congress / Wikimedia Commons

As the Irish Press’s London editor, I was covering the meeting and succeeded in getting an exclusive interview with the White House press secretary, Pierre Salinger. His version of the meeting was that Khrushchev gave Kennedy a frightening picture of the likely consequences of a nuclear war, with the major American cities being flattened like Hiroshima and Nagasaki, a picture that the gung-ho US military top dogs had hidden from him .

That evening Kennedy told the New York Times top reporter, James “Scotty” Weston, that “he (Khrushchev) beat the hell out of me . . . the worst thing of my life”. It was Kennedy’s real introduction to diplomacy. – Yours, etc

DESMOND FISHER, Roebuck, Dublin 14′.

NUJ IRELAND BDC

IEC Cathaoirleach Gerry Curran addresses the BDC  Photo: © Michael Fisher

IEC Cathaoirleach Gerry Curran addresses the BDC Photo: © Michael Fisher

Conferences for the NUJ in Ireland are held every two years. The wider union is also moving to a two-year cycle for the Delegate Meeting, which had already been shifted to an eighteen months interval in order to save money. The next DM will be held in Eastbourne in April and motions for it need to be submitted to our branch meeting by midday on Friday week (22nd November). Please contact Branch Secretary Gerry Carson.

NUJ General Secretary Michelle Stanistreet with ICTU President John Douglas and Irish Secretary Seamus Dooley  Photo: © Michael Fisher

NUJ General Secretary Michelle Stanistreet with ICTU President John Douglas and Irish Secretary Seamus Dooley Photo: © Michael Fisher

On Saturday, ICTU President John Douglas addressed the NUJ in Ireland biennial delegate conference, which was held once again in the Cusack stand conference centre at the GAA headquarters at Croke Park. Another meeting was being held on the same level in a different section further along the corridor and above the GAA Museum on the ground floor.

Michael Cusack statue & stand, Croke Park  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Michael Cusack statue & stand, Croke Park Photo: © Michael Fisher

From our vantage point we could see that repair work was continuing on the pitch to protect it during the winter. In the Hogan stand, groups were being taken on tours of the impressive stadium.

Croke Park pitch  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Croke Park pitch Photo: © Michael Fisher

The NUJ website contains some details of the proceedings. Good to see that the government has withdrawn amendments relating to the Freedom of Information legislation that would have introduced new charges.

NUJ General Secretary Michelle Stanistreet addressing the BDC  Photo: © Michael Fisher

NUJ General Secretary Michelle Stanistreet addressing the BDC Photo: © Michael Fisher

The union called for immediate publication of Irish government proposals for legislation guaranteeing workers the right to collective representation and bargaining. The NUJ also called for the appointment of a Minister for labour affairs of cabinet rank in order to give greater priority to the rights of workers.

In his report to the conference, Séamus Dooley, NUJ Irish Secretary, said the official commemoration of the 1913 Lock Out will be remembered as “a hypocritical charade”, if the government commitment to publish legislation on collective bargaining is not honoured by the end of this year. He said the inadequate protection for workers and the absence of the legal right to collective representation is a scandal which cannot be ignored. The NUJ and SIPTU, through the ICTU, are preparing a complaint to the Geneva-based International Labour Organisation on the denial of the right to representation.

ICTU President Gerry Douglas addresses NUJ BDC Photo: © Michael Fisher

ICTU President John Douglas addresses NUJ BDC Photo: © Michael Fisher

The report highlights the failure of successive governments to honour commitments to bring about legislative change to protect freelance workers. In the report, Séamus Dooley says:

“We consider the failure to implement the solemn commitments regarding the right of freelance workers to collective representation through amendment of Competition Law as a betrayal. It is ironic that the state should celebrate the contribution of Larkin, who organised self-employed workers, but force unions to seek relief through the ILO after more than a decade of broken promises,”

The last national agreement, Towards 2016, contains a specific commitment to reform of competition law which still has not been honoured. The union is also calling for the establishment of a minister for labour affairs of cabinet rank as a means of ensuring that employment rights are given greater priority, a call first made by the NUJ in 2007.

The NUJ conference also passed two motions dealing with the ‘JobBridge’ programme. In his report, Séamus Dooley called on the government to abandon the scheme. He said there was clear evidence that JobBridge was being used by a range of media organisations as a source of free labour.

IEC Cathaoirleach Gerry Curran received a gift of a framed cartoon. Pictured with Michelle Stanistreet  Photo: © Michael Fisher

IEC Cathaoirleach Gerry Curran received a gift of a framed cartoon. Pictured with Michelle Stanistreet Photo: © Michael Fisher

UVF EXHIBITION IN DUBLIN

Armistice Day Belfast  Picture: BBC News NI

Armistice Day Belfast Picture: BBC News NI

As the centenary of the start of the First World War approaches, a couple of important developments happened today on either side of the border on Armistice Day. Representatives of victims of the troubles were at Stormont to call on politicians to agree new mechanisms to investigate past human rights violations and abuses.

A Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Belfast, Máirtín Ó Muilleoir. became the first member of his party to take part in the official ceremony at City Hall. BBC Northern Ireland report here. As I commented elsewhere (on twitter), this was in my view the ‘right call to attend Armistice Day event: your presence at a Belfast ceremony was significant, not about wearing a poppy’. He was accompanied by some of the chaplains he had appointed at the start of his mayoral term, among them Fr Des Wilson from West Belfast, and a couple of party colleagues including Councillor Tom Hartley, a local historian.

Preparing the exhibition at Glasnevin  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Preparing the exhibition at Glasnevin Photo: © Michael Fisher

Meanwhile in Dublin, an exhibition developed under the auspices of the Unionist Centenary Committee and containing the largest collection of UVF memorabilia ever seen in the Republic was opened in the visitor centre at Glasnevin cemetery. This is the burial ground for some of the best-known figures in Ireland’s history, such as Daniel O’Connell and Michael Collins, and including many republicans. The Unionist Centenary Committee was formed in 2010 as a steering group made up from stakeholders from the Unionist community to oversee the decade of centenaries between 2012-2021.

Bag used by UVF Medical & Nursing Corps  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Bag used by UVF Medical & Nursing Corps Photo: © Michael Fisher

Arts Minister Jimmy Deenihan   Photo: © Michael Fisher

Arts Minister Jimmy Deenihan Photo: © Michael Fisher

The Ulster Volunteer Force was formed to resist plans to make Ireland self-governing, but many members went on to fight in the British Army in the First World War. The exhibition is called Home Rule Crisis… the unionist response. It covers the period from 1912-1914 and was officially opened by the Minister for Arts and Heritage Jimmy Deenihan, who had read a lesson at the Remembrance Sunday service at St Patrick’s Cathedral in Dublin yesterday.

Some unionist politicians also attended the Glasnevin event. A priest read prayers before people in UVF costumes laid wreaths at the war graves commission memorial to those from the Republic who died fighting for the allies in the two world wars.

The collection of artefacts from the Home Rule period includes personal items  of James Craig, uniforms, and literature from that pivotal period. Tours of the exhibition will be provided free of charge. The exhibition focuses on the unionist reaction to events during 1912-1913,  particularly the Ulster Covenant and the formation of the UVF.

UVF armbands from Cavan and Monaghan  Photo: © Michael Fisher

UVF armbands from Cavan and Monaghan Photo: © Michael Fisher

The launch included a talk by Philip Orr and a drama depicting discussions  between Carson, Craig and Crawford at the time, and music. On Saturday 16th November, Quincey Dougan and Jason Burke will provide lectures on Unionism 100 years ago. The exhibition is free and will run for two weeks until the end of November. It will be followed by an exhibition on the Irish Volunteers, the formation of which was planned at a committee meeting 100 years ago today in Dublin.

Quincey Dougan, talking about the UVF in Monaghan in June  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Quincey Dougan, talking about the UVF in Monaghan in June Photo: © Michael Fisher

Unionist Centenary Committee Chair David Hagan said:

We are excited to be bringing such a major collection of Unionist artefacts to Glasnevin Cemetery. Traditionally a site steeped in Republican and Nationalist history, it shows the progress we are making in embracing and learning more about our shared history. Over the course of the week we are also holding lectures which provide a deeper insight into Unionist thinking at the time and we will have historians on hand around the exhibition to provide further information on the collection. We have already exhibited some of the collection around Northern Ireland and have received really positive feedback, so we are looking forward to offering the people of Dublin the opportunity to learn more about Unionism in Ireland 100 years ago.”

Figure of UVF member  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Figure of UVF member Photo: © Michael Fisher

JEWISH COMMUNITY DUBLIN 1916-23

Working on a forthcoming booklet has meant that I have missed a few daily blogs recently. It has however been interesting to see that even without any new material, my page received 146 views, mainly of my coverage in August of the Ballygawley bus bomb commemoration. To make up the quota, I am republishing a recent blog by my nephew Sam on the site he co-hosts, Come Here to Me, which is all about Dublin. He has written this interesting article on the Jewish Community in Dublin during the Revolutionary Period (1916-23) and any commentary is his:

Jewish community during the Revolutionary period (1916-23)

In the early half of the twentieth century, there were roughly 3,700 Jews living in Ireland. This represented about 0.12% of the total population. Though their numbers were minuscule, members of the the Jewish community were disproportionately active in the fight for Irish independence. Melisande Zlotover in his 1966 memoir ‘Zlotover story: A Dublin story with a difference’ assessed the overall situation by writing that Dublin’s Jews “were most sympathetic [to the fight for Independence] and many helped in the cause”.

These included:

Michael Noyk (1884–1966) Jewish Dublin-born republican activist and lawyer who most famously defended republican prisoners during the War of Independence and afterwards. In the 1917 Clare East by-election he was a prominent worker for Eamon de Valera and in the 1918 general election was election agent for Countess Markievicz and Seán T. O’Kelly. He was later involved in renting houses and offices for all the ministries established under the first Dáil. During the War of Independence he regularly met Michael Collins in Devlin’s pub on Parnell Square and helped to run the republican courts. In 1921 he was to the fore in defending many leading members of the IRA, including Gen. Seán Mac Eoin and Capt. Patrick Moran, the latter of which was executed for complicity in the shooting of British intelligence officers.

While Arthur Griffith’s early anti-Semitic comments (c.1904) are frequently recalled, it should be noted that he was an extremely close fiend of Noyk’s from 1910 onwards and he remained Griffith’s solicitor until his death in 1922. So close did Griffith’s relationship with Noyk become that his own daughter would act as a flower girl at Noyk’s wedding as Manus O’Riordan reminded us in an excellent 2008 article.

In later years, Noyk became a founder-member of the Association of Old Dublin Brigade (IRA) and a member of the Kilmainham Jail Restoration Committee. Keenly interested in sport, he played soccer in his youth for a team based around Adelaide Road and was for many years the solicitor to Shamrock Rovers. He died on 23 October 1966 at Lewisham Hospital in London. A huge crowd, including the then taoiseach, Seán Lemass, attended his funeral and the surviving members of the Dublin Brigade rendered full military honours at his graveside. He is buried in Dolphin’s Barn cemetery.

Noyk is honoured with portrait. The Irish Times,  06 Apr 1960.

Noyk is honoured with portrait. The Irish Times, 06 Apr 1960.

Robert Emmet Briscoe (1894–1969) was a Jewish Dublin-born republican and businessman who most famously ran guns for the IRA during the War of Independence. Named after revolutionary leader Robert Emmet, his father, a steadfast Parnellite called another son Wolfe Tone Briscoe.  Politicised after the Easter Rising, he attended meetings of Clan na Gael in the United States, meeting Liam Mellows, who influenced his return to Ireland (August 1917) to join the headquarters staff of Na Fianna Éireann. The clothing factory that Robert Briscoe opened at 9 Aston Quay, and a subsequent second workshop in Coppinger’s Row, both served as headquarters for clandestine Fianna and IRA activities before and during the War of Independence. Unknown to government authorities owing to his lack of prior political involvement, Briscoe engaged in arms-and-ammunition procurement and transport, and gathering of intelligence. Transferred to IRA headquarters staff (February 1920), he was dispatched by Michael Collins to Germany, where, with his knowledge of the language and country, he established and oversaw a network of arms purchase and transport. He maintained a steady flow of matériel after the July 1921 truce, and from 1922 to the anti-treaty IRA, with which he maintained links for some years after the civil war. Returning to Ireland after the 1924 general amnesty, he managed Dublin operations of Briscoe Importing, a firm already established by two of his brothers.

During the summer of 1926 the IRA raided the offices and homes of moneylenders in both Dublin and Limerick. Manus O’Riordan wrote that:

Those who were raided were indeed predominantly Jewish, but the IRA explicitly stated that their attack was on moneylending itself, “not on Jewry”.

Historian Brian Hanley summed up the situation well when he said that the IRA:

…were supported in their claims by the prominent Jewish politician in Ireland, Robert Briscoe of de Valera’s Fianna Fáil Party. He argued that he did not see the raids as anti-Semitic, and wished it to be known that he and ‘many other members of the Jewish community’ abhorred moneylending and expressed his admiration for the IRA’s attempts to end ‘this rotten trade’.

A founding member of Fianna Fáil (1926), he served on its first executive committee, and worked on constructing the party’s national constituency organisation, transporting party workers countrywide in his recently purchased motor car. Defeated in the June 1927 general election and in an August 1927 by-election occasioned by the death of Constance Markievicz, in the September 1927 general election he was elected to Dáil Éireann, becoming the first Jewish TD, and commencing an unbroken tenure of thirty-eight years, representing Dublin South (1927–48) and Dublin South-West (1948–65). Twice Lord Mayor of Dublin (1956–7, 1961–2), he made a spectacularly successful whistle-stop tour of the USA (1957) – the first of several official visits, trade missions, and speaking tours – lauded by Irish- and Jewish-Americans as Dublin’s first Jewish Lord Mayor.

JFK meeting with IRA veteran Robert Briscoe, Lord Mayor of Dublin. 26 March 1962. Credit - jfklibrary.org.

JFK meeting with IRA veteran Robert Briscoe, Lord Mayor of Dublin. 26 March 1962. Credit – jfklibrary.org.

Estella Solomons (1882–1968), who hailed from one of the longest established Jewish families in Dublin, was a celebrated artist who served in the women’s republican auxiliary movement Cumann na mBan (Rathmines branch). One of her first jobs was distributing arms and ammunition which she kept hidden under the vegetable patch at the family home on Waterloo Road. When her sister visited from London with her British Army husband,, Estella stole his uniform and passed it onto the IRA. Solomons sheltered IRA fugitives in her studio during the War of Independence, and concealed weapons under the pretence of gardening. Estella’s IRA contact was a milk delivery man, who acted as a perfect cover for moving arms and gathering information. She persuaded him to teach her to shoot, in exchange she painted a portrait of his wife. Taking the anti-Treaty side and sheltering Republicans during the Civil War, her studio was often raided by Free State troops.

Solomons was elected an associate of the Royal Hibernian Academy (RHA) in July 1925, but it was not until 1966 that Solomons was elected an honorary member. Her work was included in the Academy’s annual members’ exhibition every year for sixty years. As her parents were opposed to her marrying outside her faith, it was not until August 1925, when she was 43 and her husband 46, that she married Seumas O’Sullivan, the editor and founder of the influential literary publication Dublin Magazine.

Estelle Sollomons, self-portrait, 1926. Credit - mutualart.com.

Estelle Sollomons, self-portrait, 1926. Credit – mutualart.com.

Gerald Yael Goldberg (1912–2003), Cork-born solicitor, politician and writer, retained vivid childhood memories of the War of Independence and Civil War period, including the burning of central Cork by crown forces (during which his family had to leave their home temporarily). He attended the lyings‐in‐state of Tomàs MacCurtain and Terence MacSwiney both of whom he always revered. In later life he commissioned portraits of MacCurtain and MacSwiney for the City Hall while he was Lord Mayor. Goldberg also acquired a long-lasting respect for fellow Corkman Michael Collins after hearing him speak at a public meeting.

The Goldbergs moved to Cork after the anti‐Semitic Limerick riots, and subsequent boycott, of 1904, in which Gerald’s father Louis was assaulted. In secondary school, he and his brother got into trouble after they applied to be excused from Armistice Day (as a German pupil was excused) because the British had murdered MacCurtain and MacSwiney. In the 1930s Goldberg established a committee in Cork to help Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution; in later life he spoke bitterly of the refusal of the state to admit such refugees, and recalled how a German Jew who deserted a ship at Cobh was sent back to the concentration camps despite the Cork community’s willingness to assist him. A successful solicitor,  he was elected president of the Cork Hebrew Congregation in 1943, and remained the public face of Cork Jewry until his death.

Goldberg was elected to Cork corporation as an independent alderman for the north‐west ward in 1967 but joined Fianna Fáil in 1970, stating that it was impossible for an isolated councillor to achieve anything on the corporation. In 1977, he was elected lord mayor of Cork, the first Jew to hold this office. During his term he researched the history of the civic regalia, including the mayoral chain (he published a pamphlet on its connection with Terence MacSwiney) and the mace (leading him to make a public appeal for the British Museum to return to Cork several former Cork maces it had acquired over the years). In 1982 he openly considered leaving Ireland after he received death threats and after a fire‐bomb attack on the Cork synagogue, which were linked to hostile relations between Irish peacekeeping forces in South Lebanon and Israeli and Israeli‐backed forces.  He retired from Cork corporation in 1985. He died, at the age of 91, in Cork, on 31 December 2003, and received a civic funeral on 4 January 2004 to the Cork Jewish graveyard at Curraghkippane. Cork corporation members wore skullcaps in his honour.

Francis Rebecca ‘Fanny’ Goldberg (1893-?) and Molly Goldberg (1896-), sisters of Gerald, were active with Cuman na mBan. Dermot Keogh in his bookJews In Twentieth Century Ireland’ (1998) mentions this fact but unfortunately no further information seems to be available about their activities.

Abraham Spiro (1880 – 1951), who moved to Dublin from Lithuania at the age of two was manager of the Pearl Printing Company in Drury Street. The IRA newspaper An t-Olgach was printer by Spiro during the early 1920s and he employed Oscar Traynor (Commanding Officer of the Dublin I.R.A.) as a compositor. Natalie Wynn in her essay ‘Jews, Antisemitism and Irish Politics : A Tale of Two Narrative’ suggests that the paper was printed by Leon Spiro (Abraham’s broher?) but only after he had been “forcibly detained” in his office. This information was gleaned from a unpublished memoir written by Leon’s daughter.

Cohen brothers

George White, member of ‘C’ Company 3rd Battalion Dublin Brigade IRA from 1917 and later Quartermaster Active Service Unit from 1921, recalled in his Witness Statement (no. 956) that a Jewish man by the name of Max Cohen lived in a house that was being used an arms dump at 3 Swifts Row beside Ormond Quay in Dublin city centre. Max “knew all about the dump but said nothing about it” to the authorities. His brother Abraham, who ran an antique shop at 20 Ormond Quay, told White and another IRA member that they could use his shop anytime “as a means of escape”.

M. Cohen & Sons antiques shop. Perhaps the one mentioned in the Witness Statement. Photograph taken by Tom Kennedy. Scanned from 'A Sense of Ireland' programme.

M. Cohen & Sons antiques shop. Perhaps the one mentioned in the Witness Statement. Photograph taken by Tom Kennedy. Scanned from ‘A Sense of Ireland’ programme.

Unidentified Jew who sheltered Dan Breen

In the Witness Statement (no. 723) of Dr. Alice Barry, a close friend of many IRA leaders, she mentions that Dan Breen was taken in by a Jewish person while on the run in Fernside, Killiney, South Dublin. In October 1920, Breen, who had badly cut his legs while escaping from the Black and Tans, “wandered round looking for refuge” until he eventually found it in the home of a unnamed Jewish person who also “provided him with dry clothing”. (Unfortunately and somewhat ironically, Breen took a very strong pro-Axis side and had a portrait of Adolf Hitler hanging in his study until as late as 1948.)

Unidentified Jewish families who supported Sinn Fein and the IRA

Mrs. Sean Beaumont, a member of executive of Cumann na mBan, recalled in her Witness Statement (no. 385) that trained nurses within the organisation set up a bureau at 6 Harcourt Street in October 1918 to help the general public during the flu pandemic. Among those nursed “were many” Jewish families who showed their gratitude by providing financial support for the Republican movement and voting for Sinn Fein candidates in the years ahead.

General references

There are several other more general references to the Jewish community in the recently digitised witness statements.

After taking part in the Easter Rising, Captain Sean Kavananagh (WS 1670) mentions that the soldier who told him that were about to be deported to England was a “Dublin Jew” called Lieutenant Barron.

Thomas Pugh of the Irish Volunteers recalled in his Witness Statement (397) that after taking part in the Easter Rising, he was taken to Portobello Barracks where the person in charge of taking personal belongings from the prisoners was:

a Jew whom I knew very well. He was one of the Barrons, the furniture people. I am sure he knew me well, because I saved him once from a beating in the football grounds in Inchicore.

Further afield, a Jewish cinema owner in New York apologised to local Irish Republicans after his cinema inadvertently showed a British propaganda film called ‘Whom the gods would destroy’ (1916). Sidney Czira (Secretary of Cumman na mBan, New York) wrote in her Witness Statement (no. 909) that the film portrayed Irish volunteers like they were of “half-ape type”. As a result, a group of Republicans visited the cinema and explained the situation to the Jewish owner. Czira wrote that he was “quite unaware of its significance … apologised … and withdrew it at once”.

Another side note is that the badly damaged Hotel Metropole on O’Connell Street was bought after the Rising by Jewish cinema owner Maurice Elliman who turned it into the successful Metropole cinema.

In the summer of 1919, a successful raid took place on the Rotunda which was being used at the time as the temporary General Post Office. A number of IRA men were involved in the action in which “very valuable and confidential documents” destined for Dublin Castle were seized. Afterwards, a number of sympathetic postman overheard a colleague say to someone that “I know the fella in charge of this raid”. He was referring to Oscar Traynor who he knew through playing football. The postman in question was described by Traynor (WS 340) as an “English Jew” who lived on the North Circular Road . This “cockney Jew” was visited by a number of IRA men and was told to keep his mouth shut or else. As a result of being threatened, he decided to move back to London.

That same year, a group of Tipperary IRA men seized a gun from a Jewish businessman who ran a skin and hide business at the back of Connolly Street in Nenagh. Volunteer Edward John Ryan (WS 1392) was approached by a comrade who was employed in the business. In the raid, both the volunteer (to make not look like an inside job) and his Jewish employer were tied up. No-one was harmed in the robbery.

In the statement of Mary Flannery Woods (no. 624) of Cumann na mBan, she mentions that she bought a safe house for Michael Collins on Harcourt Terrace in 1920 that was owned by a Jew called Mr. Cantor. Seamus O’Connor and not Michael Noyk was the solicitor involved. In this house, a special hidden cupboard was built for arms and ammunition.

Dr. Josephine Clarke (no. 699), member of Cumann na mBan, wrote that her and her husband Liam moved into an “unfurnished flat in a Jew’s house in Sydenham Road” in roughly the same period.

In July 1920 the IRA shot dead Unionist landowner Frank Brooke, the Chairman of the Dublin South Eastern Railways, inside his office at Westland Row train station. Brooke was a secret member of the British Military Advisory Council and was signaled out specifically by Michael Collin’s Squad. Laurence Nugent (Lieutenant ‘K’ Company, 3rd Battalion Dublin Brigade IRA) remarked in his Witness Statement (no. 907) that they had planned to shoot another director of the Railways but spared him after a Jewish woman ‘Miss Zigmen’ asked the IRA to spare his life. Zigmen, who lived on Upper Baggot Street, was a private cigarette manufacturer and the unnamed director was a customer of hers. (Note: ‘Zigman’ may have been incorrectly transcribed as ‘Zigmen’).

In November of that year, Lieutenant Peter Ashmun Ames and Captain George Bennett were shot dead by the IRA in their rooms at 38 Upper Mount Street. Jewish solicitor Michael Noyk (WS 707) took up the defence of two volunteers including Patrick Moran from Roscommon who were arrested in the aftermath. Moran strongly protested his innocence and had a solid alibi since he was at Mass in Blackrock at the time and was seen there by several people including a member of the Dublin Metropolitan Police. Among the witnesses that Noyk called in to help Moran’s case was Joseph Mirrelson, a Jewish Turf Accountant from Dun Laoghaire. He had seen Moran on a tram on the morning of the shooting. Mirrelson knew Moran well as he used to frequent a pub in Dun Laoghaire called Lynch & O’Brien’s pub that Moran used to work in. Despite the evidence laid out that proved Moran and another Volunteer Thomas Whelan were not in the area of the shooting, both were hanged in Mountjoy Jail in March 1921.

Joe Mirrelson, Turf Accountant, Ranelagh, 1979. Credit - dublincitypubliclibraries.com

Joe Mirrelson, Turf Accountant, Ranelagh, 1979. I assume the business was taken over by a son or relation of Joseph. Credit – dublincitypubliclibraries.com

Negative references

As this was a time when both ignorant and deep-rooted anti-Semitism was more prevalent, this seeps through in a couple of Witness Statements.

Seamus MacManus, one of the founders of the National Council (pre Sinn Fein), said that most French newspapers in 1890s “were under the thumb of the Jews financially” in his Witness Statement (no. 283).

Richard Walsh talked about a pub down by the London docks that was run by a English Jew and his Irish catholic wife. A strong Irish republican, the wife would act as a messenger for the IRA and her herself and her husband allowed the pub to be used for preparing arms packages for shipment. Walsh makes an anti-Semitic off-the-cuff mark in his Witness Statement (no. 136) describing this publican as a “Jew … (that) like all his race was cute and well able to conceal his feelings”.

Not forgetting the disgusting anti-Semitic remarks from John Devoy (called De Valera “a half-breed Jew”), J. J. O’Kelly, W. J. Brennan-Whitmore and a small number of Irish republicans in this time period.

Conclusion

In a February 1944 heated Dail debate about pensions for veterans of the Easter Rising and War of Independence, the toxic, anti-Semitic TD Oliver J. Flanagan proclaimed:

We had not got the rancher, the capitalist, the financier or the Jew in the Old I.R.A. We had the plain, poor, honest people.

Flanagan had obviously overlooked (or decided to forget) the roles that Robert Briscoe, Michael Noyk, Estella Solomon, the Goldbergs and (possibly) Abraham Spiro played in the War of Independence. It is only coming to light now the small but important day-to-day roles that ordinary Jews played by sheltering volunteers like Dan Breen or offering their premises as a means of escape like the Cohen brothers.

Sadly the Jewish community has a whole were targeted in 1923 by two Republican veterans of the War of the Independence who launched their own personal indiscriminate anti-Semitic crusade – shooting four, killing two.

Manchester-born Jewish jeweller and father-of-four Bernard Goldberg (42) was shot dead in the early hours of October 31st 1923 outside his home at 95 St. Stephen’s Green after being questioned by three men.  His brother Samuel had a narrow escape. He was hit on the head but managed to run towards Cuffe Street, later discovering three bullet holes in his overcoat.

Two weeks later, a Dublin-born Jew Emmanuel ‘Ernest’ Kahn (24) of 36 Lennox Street who worked as a clerk at the Department of Agriculture, was gunned down on Stamer Street in Portobello on the evening of November 14th.  His friend David Miller (21), who lived at 25 Victoria Street, was shot in the shoulder but survived.

First hand account of the second murder. The Irish Times, 16 Nov 1923.

First hand account of the second murder. The Irish Times, 16 Nov 1923.

The principal instigators of these two murders were Free State Army officers – James Patrick Conroy and Fred Laffan – who held an anti-Semitic vendetta after a “lady friend” of Conroy’s was allegedly assaulted by a Jewish dentist. Laffan’s brother Ralph, a taxi driver, was also implicated in the murders.  James ‘Jimmy/Jim’ Conroy had a distinguished IRA career and was a member of Michael Collin’s squad.

The two Laffan brothers fled to Mexico while Conroy evaded justice (I believe he emigrated to the United States but returned to Ireland in the early 1930s). During a tetchy Dáil debate in February 1934, Sean MacEntee (Fianna Fáil Minister for Finance) accused Fine Gael TDs of knowing who killed Kahn and Goldberg saying “The man who committed these crimes, as I have already stated tonight, is a member of the Blue Shirt organisation at the present moment. He was allowed to go free even though those charged with the administration of the law at that time were well aware of the crimes he had committed”.

Postscript

Other Irish Jews became active in Irish left-wing and republican politics in the 1930s most notably Maurice Levitas and Harry Kernoff.

Communist ‘Morry’ Levitas who was born 8 Warren Street, Portobello, Dublin fought against Mosley’s Blackshirts during the Battle of Cable Street in London in 1936 and the following year joined the British battalion of the XV (International) Brigade to fight against Franco in Spain. First seeing action in the final days of the unsuccessful defence of Teruel, he was among the troops forced to retreat from Belchite on the second day of the massive fascist Aragon offensive (March 1938). After three weeks of costly engagements and repeated withdrawals, he was in a company (which also included IRA veteran Frank Ryan) that was captured by a Italian fascist unit at Calaceite (March 1938). His excellent entry in the Dictionary of Irish Biography describes his following 11 months of hell:

Imprisoned at San Pedro de Cardeña, near Burgos (April 1938–January 1939), in addition to interrogations, arbitrary beatings, and mock executions, he was subjected to the indignity of pseudo-scientific measurements by visiting German Gestapo agents testing Nazi theories regarding the physiognomy of Jews and ‘social deviants’. Transferred to San Sebastian prison (January–February 1939), he was among sixty-seven republicans released in a prisoner exchange sought by Mussolini. Soon after returning home to London, he visited Dublin to address a public meeting calling for the release of Ryan (27 February).

He later served in India and Burma with the Royal Army Medical Corps and then worked as a plumber, teacher and lecturer. In his later years Levitas renewed ties with his native Dublin, attending functions honouring the Irish who served in Sapin, and the unveiling of the statue of James Connolly in Beresford Place in 1996. He died 14 February 2001 in London. His brother Max Levitas, born in Dublin in 1915, was a Communist councillor in London borough of Stepney for twenty-five years and continues to be engaged in anti-Fascist activity.

Harry Kernoff, born in London in 1900, moved to Dublin at the age of 14. After winning the Taylor scholarship in 1923 he became a full-time day student, encouraged by established painters such as Seán Keating and Patrick Tuohy . He showed a particular interest in drawing Dublin, and was one of the few artists at work in the city whose work demonstrated a social conscience and awareness of the plight of the unemployed, as revealed in such paintings as ‘Dublin kitchen’ (1923). Strongly left-wing, he was a member of the Friends of Soviet Russia and his woodcuts were often used in republican and labour newspapers in the 1930s and 1940s.  He designed the masthead of the communist weekly the Irish Workers’ Voice, was part of a delegation to visit Leningrad and Moscow (1930) and was involved in anti-fascist campaigns in Dublin. One of his most famous woodcuts is the (below) 1936 one of James Connolly. Thirty-four years previously Connolly had issued an election leaflet written in the Yiddish language to the Jewish voters of Dublin’s ‘Little Jerusalem’. Kernoff lived at 1 Stamer Street, Portobello, in the heart of this area, for the last 40 years of his life. He passed away in 1974.

Harry Kernoff signed woodcut of James Connolly (1936). Credit - .icollector.com

Harry Kernoff signed woodcut of James Connolly (1936). Credit – .icollector.com

References: Dictionary of Irish Biography (Noyk/Briscoe/Solomons/Levitas/Kernoff); Bureau of Military Witness Statements; Saoirse Feb 2003 (Solomons); Natalie Wynn, ‘Jews, Antisemitism and Irish Politics : A Tale of Two Narrative’ (2012); Dermot Keogh ‘Jews In Twentieth Century Ireland (1998)’.

JONATHAN AITKEN ON THATCHER

Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival at Queens Photo: © Michael Fisher

Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival at Queens Photo: © Michael Fisher

Jonathan Aitken spent over an hour regaling the large audience in the Great Hall at Queen’s with his insights into the political career of the late Margaret Thatcher. But perhaps more interesting were his anecdotes about the family life of the Thatchers, based mainly upon his three year relationship with Carol Thatcher in the 1970s.

Stephen Walker interviewed Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival Photo: © Michael Fisher

Stephen Walker interviewed Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival Photo: © Michael Fisher

BBC reporter Stephen Walker guided him expertly through his 700-page book,  Margaret Thatcher: Power And Personality, published by  Bloomsbury Continuum. This is one of the shorter works on the former Prime Minister and is some 200 pages less than Volume One of Charles Moore’s authorised biography ‘Not for Turning’, published after her death in April.

Margaret Thatcher by Jonathan Aitken Photo: © Michael Fisher

Margaret Thatcher by Jonathan Aitken Photo: © Michael Fisher

Extracts from Aitken’s work have already been serialised in the Daily Mail and if you want some idea of the stories the former Conservative MP told in Belfast on Sunday, fresh from appearances in Ilkley and Guildford, then you can read them here and here.

Audience at the Great Hall in Queen's University Photo: © Michael Fisher

Audience at the Great Hall in Queen’s University Photo: © Michael Fisher

From his first meeting with Margaret Thatcher when she was a junior shadow minister in the mid 1960s, during her time as leader of the Opposition when he was a close family friend, and as a Member of Parliament throughout her years in power, Aitken had a special insight into many of the public and private happenings in the life of the woman dubbed ‘The Iron Lady’.

Jonathan Aitken with his books Photo: © Michael Fisher

Jonathan Aitken with his books Photo: © Michael Fisher

Aitken told the festival audience that in her heart Mrs T was a unionist but her head told her that a political arrangement over Ireland was worth pursuing and this led to the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement in November 1985. Just a few months after surviving the IRA Brighton bomb during the Conservative party conference in October 1984, she set up a back channel for contacts with the Sinn Féin leadership. Central to reaching the Agreement was the relationship between Robert Armstrong, her Cabinet Secretary and his Irish counterpart Dermot Nally.

Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival at Queen's  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival at Queen’s Photo: © Michael Fisher

From his unique vantage point, Aitken shed new light on many crucial episodes of Thatcherism, including her ousting of Ted Heath, her battles with her Cabinet, the Falklands War, the Miners’ Strike, and the build up to the plotting within the Conservative Party that brought about her downfall. In this biography, Aitken has used material from his own diaries and a wealth of extensive research including ninety interviews with statesmen like Mikhail Gorbachev, Henry Kissinger and Lord Carrington to many of her No.10 private secretaries and personal friends. His book conveys a fascinating portrait of the most influential political leader of post-war Britain, who was liked by many but also loathed especially by republicans in Northern Ireland because of her stance over the hunger strikers.

Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival  Photo: © Michael Fisher

Jonathan Aitken at the Belfast Festival Photo: © Michael Fisher

Aitken has written a dozen books. In 1997 he lost his Parliamentary seat. Then he faced a charge of perjury and perverting the course of justice, and in 1999 was jailed for 18 months. He tells an interesting story about the time he left prison and soon afterwards received a welcome invitation to join Denis Thatcher for lunch at his London club.

Looking at Aitken’s own life story is also interesting. He was born in Dublin and Taoiseach Éamonn de Valera attended his christening in 1942. Aged four, he was admitted to Cappagh hospital for treatment for tuberculosis and spent a few years there in the care of the nuns as an in-patient until the age of seven when he was able to rejoin his parents in England (Wikipedia).

One of Jonathan’s twin daughters, Victoria, flew over from London to hear his talk and this was her first visit to Belfast. I hope she got to see Wish, the new face of the city, created specially for the festival, as she departed from the City airport.

MARY O’ROURKE ON GRAND COALITION

Mary O'Rourke at the William Carleton summer school Photo: © Michael Fisher

Mary O’Rourke at the William Carleton summer school Photo: © Michael Fisher

Mary O’Rourke’s speech in August at the William Carleton summer school in Clogher, County Tyrone, made headlines when she proposed a coalition between her party Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. She also gave an interview to Lise Hand of the Irish Independent. This is her speech which can now be viewed on youtube in three short sections of about six minutes each. Her main proposal can be found in Part 3, “To think the unthinkable”.

(I was very pleased to accept Michael Fisher’s invitation to come here today to Clogher and to talk on the theme “How Differences Can Be Accommodated”.  I appreciate that the theme and the speakers to it will be mostly reviewing the Northern Ireland situation.  I have chosen to talk about my own mixed political background to the theme of the Summer School.)

Mary O'Rourke at the William Carleton summer school, Clogher Photo: © Michael Fisher

Mary O’Rourke at the William Carleton summer school Photo: © Michael Fisher

PART 1 Family History: to watch the video click here

“I talk in my book “Just Mary” of my parents’ mixed political backgrounds. Not many people know that: until I put it in my book. My father was from Kilfenora County Clare where his father was of the very…a great follower of the old Irish Party and in time a follower of Michael Collins. My father, the young boy, imbued that from him. And indeed my cousin is here today Dr Dudley Edwards through my father’s mother late lamented and early lamented. But he was imbued with that kind of politics. He went off the UCG (University College Galway), where he met my mother and she was Ann Stanton from Drumcliff, County Sligo. Now she mixed and she was from a strongly republican background. Indeed my grandmother, her mother, was left with a clutch of six children when her husband was brought over to her mortally wounded, on the door of a pub at a local skirmish in Sligo and he died three or four days later and she was left…I think it was the era of no great big social welfare or anything like that…she was left with a clutch of children to bring up and to educate and they had twelve acres of land (of not great land) at the foot of Benbulbin. Now she was very lucky. She had a cousin who was very central in the nuns’ community in the Ursulines in Sligo and she took each one of the girls one by one and educated them, brought them into school, clothed them, fed them, made them boarders and they got (a) powerful education, so much so that three of them got scholarships directly to university out of the Ursulines in Sligo. So I went back there some time ago to look at the records and I was amazed. They have a wonderful woman there an elderly nun who’s looking after all of that. But she had it beautifully collated and ready for me and I thought to myself I don’t learn from a background like that what my mother was: it was a great feat to get to college and to do her BA and all of that. But along the way anyway she met my father Patrick Joseph Lenihan from Kilfenora County Clare. And when they met their different…their varied political background went out the window because love came in. And once it did, that was that. They fell for one another very heavily and they decided that they would get married. And going back to my grandmother she was so republican, instead of minding her business when she was herand knowing that she should be going careful she made her a safe house I heard one of the other speakers talk about the term “a safe house” she made the same house of her little farmhouse and everyone who was on the run or who was in trouble or whatever was welcome there. I’ve often thought of her spirit: instead of saying to herself ‘how am I going to manage now? I’ve no money and I’ve to manage and do she went out and she and in fact one of her sons Roger  Roger Gandon who was the boy soldier on the mountain in the skirmish when there were six of them taken Michael McDowell”s uncle, Eoin MacNeill’s son, Brian (MacNeill). He was the one who alerted that they were coming for them. The bodies were brought down and my mother   and the bodies were laid out…the six bodies…as they are called now Noblel Six. So that was the background of my mother and as I say the background of my father. My father fought in the Free State Army     He fought in Athenry when he was a student then after that he fought in many other skirmishes of that war. We were always conscious growing up my two brothers and my sister we were always conscious of our mixed political background. But when my father first went…Sean Lemass was the Minister in the Fianna Fáil government…had met my father in the old civil service and ike thought well he’s a good guy and he sent him to Athlone to set up an enterprise called General Textiles Limited. It was an embryonic cotton factory. There were about five or six of them set up around Ireland at the time to give employment state investment  but it was a time for that and he sent him to Athlone. And he came home and said to my mother one day “Pack your traps Annie we’re going to Athlone!”   Now she was glad she was halfway to Sligo and he was halfway to Clare I suppose. They came to Athlone with three children and I was…my mother was pregnant with me, so I’m the only Athlone person out of that clutch of people. But when the local elections came in 1943 in Athlone town my father went as a Ratepayers’ Association candidate. It was another title for Fine Gael so he was (true to his) roots and he went on that occasion as a Ratepayers’ Association and he had poll. Now later on Sean Lemass got at him: ‘Hey, I didn’t send you to Athlone  to be running Fine Gael’ but he went for Fianna Fáil and in time he became Mr Fianna Fáil Athlone. In 1965 he went for the Dáil and got in and for five short years. He died in 1970.”

Frank Brennan introduced Mary O'Rourke Photo: © Michael Fisher

Frank Brennan introduced Mary O’Rourke Photo: © Michael Fisher

PART 2 Brian Lenihan’s speech at Beal na mBláth 2010: to watch the video click here

“So you say why am I telling you all this? Fast forward to Sunday, the 22nd August 2010 in County Cork when Brian Lenihan, the then Minister for Finance, spoke at the Annual Commemoration of the life and legacy of Michael Collins. Brian Lenihan was greatly honoured to havend  August 2010 in  Béal  na mBláth received this “quite unexpected offer from the Collins Family and the Commemoration Committee” and he expressed so publicly on that occasion. I have spoken to Dermot Collins since then, who initiated the invitation to Brian and he was quite emphatic that he and the Committee were unanimous in wanting Brian Lenihan to have this privilege.

I went to Béal na mBláth on that occasion with two friends from Athlone and will always be glad that I did so as I have the eternal memory of Brian standing clear and tall and confident but humble as he spoke at that hallowed spot.  I quote directly now from his Speech:

“The differences between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael today are no longer defined by the Civil War nor have they been for many years.  It would be absurd if they were. This period of our history is  graadually moving out of living memory. We ask and expect those in Northern Ireland to live and work together despite the carnage and grief of a much more recent and much more protracted conflict. Nevertheless, keen competition between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael remains as I am very aware every time I stand up in the Dáil but the power of symbolism cannot be denied, all the more so as we move towards the centenaries of the Easter Rising and all that follows. If today’s commemoration can be seen as a further public act of historical reconciliation, at one of Irish history’s sacred places, then I will be proud to have played my part”.

Brian went on to say in his talk that he had taken:

a particular interest in Michael Collins’ work as Minister for Finance between 1919 and 1922.   In a meeting room in the Department of Finance, where I have spent many hours over the last two years, hang pictures of all previous Ministers.  They are in sequence.   Eoin Mac Néill’s portrait is the first because he was actually the first to own that office in the first Dáil though he served for less than ten weeks.  The picture of Collins is placed second and regularly catches my eye.   He is the youngest and I dare say, the best-looking, of us all”.

Brian went on to say “there is no substantive connection between the economic and financial position we come from today and the totally different challenges faced by Collins and his contemporaries. But as I look at those pictures of my predecessors on the wall in my meeting room, I recognise that many of them, from Collins through to Ray MacSharry, had in their time to deal with immense if different difficulties.  I am comforted by what their stories tell me about the essential resilience of our country, of our political and administrative system and above all of the Irish people.

That is why I am convinced that we have the ability to work through and to overcome our present difficulties, great though the scale of the challenges may be, and devastating though the effects of the crisis have been on the lives of so many of our citizens.” Brian’s closing lines on that memorable day in Béal na mBláth were ‘the spirit of Collins is the spirit of our Nation and it must continue to inspire all of us in public life, irrespective of Party or tradition’.”

Frank Brennan with Mary O'Rourke & Mary Kenny Photo: © Michael Fisher

Frank Brennan with Mary O’Rourke & Mary Kenny Photo: © Michael Fisher

PART 3 Time to Think the Unthinkable: to watch the video click here

“Well here we are now in 2013 and here I am too, somebody who was in successive general elections elected on behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party and proudly representing my constituency of Longford/Westmeath. And yet and yet and yet surely it is not too fanciful for me to put forward today as the theme, my theme, for this Summer School that it is time that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael would bridge the political divide between them and give serious thought to coming together in a political coalition come the next General Election. I know quite well that there are plenty who will dismiss my reflections here today as ‘Summer School Speak’ or even the wild rantings of somebody who has left the political system. No, no, no, there are no wild rantings. It is very easy to dismiss my thoughts in that cavalier fashion. We, as a people, have long forgotten that the bone of contention between us as Parties since the Civil War is the Treaty signed in London in those far off days. I put the thought out there conscious that I can do so coming, as I do, from a lifetime of observing the tribal political theatre that is Dáil Éireann – coming, as I am, from someone who has reflected in historical terms long and hard on the thoughts I am putting forward today and coming as I am from a mixed political background. We are in the end the products of our background. And though growing up we knew all that about my mother and my father, it didn’t somehow come in on us. It didn’t kind of weigh upon us, but yet, of course, it had a bearing.

I was inspired to do so by the generous thoughts and reflections in the speech Brian Lenihan made in Béal na mBláth.  It is, to my mind, one of the most generous non-tribal speeches ever made by anyone in either Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael or Labour. But I am most of all inspired by what has been able to be done in Northern Ireland, of the differences which have been overcome and  accommodated. Is it not time to bury the totem poles and fly the common flag of Michael Collins and Éamon de Valera? I quote finally from the last sentence of Brian Lenihan’s speech:

But even if we can never know how the relationship between Collins and de Valera might have evolved, surely now we have the maturity to see that in their very different styles, both made huge contributions to the creation and development of our State. Neither was without flaws but each had great strengths. Each was, at different periods, prepared to operate with the constraints of the realities facing him without losing sight of his greater vision of a free, prosperous, distinctive (and dare I say it here in Clogher: some time) united Ireland.”

Is it not time now in this year of 2013 to note the similarities and to forgo the differences?   Is it not time for us to think the unthinkable – to allow our minds to range over the possibilities which could emerge from the voices of the electorate in two to three years’ time. It is enough that the mind is engaged and that is all I ask for. To engage the mind on this possibility and to reflect on the courage and vision of those who have gone before us.

Now I don’t usually…very rarely…do I actually speak from scripts. I like to talk naturally. But I did feel that this was an important occasion. I did feel that the theme and the principle of what I had to say was very important, so that’s why I actually sat down with Brian’s script there (left hand side) and my own black pencil (right hand) and I thought and wrote and thought  and wrote. And I hope you…I am sure you will accept it in the way in which I have prepared it and that

A little funny interlude to us all. I forgot to say that when I started to make my way in politics..

and I used to say ‘And what about my mother? Is she not important’

Women in politics…no no…they’re not top dog.

So that used to be the taunt I would get. You’re not really Fianna Faíl…..But of course we are…

and if you ask me something I will be delighted to answer and thank you for listening closely to me. Thank you”.